steadyaku47 comment : Kalau siapa aja hantam this Tweet of an IGP...saya sokong! Ini bukan saya share aja...saya SOKONG!
Sunday, July 31, 2016
Quickies : That Tweet of an IGP!
steadyaku47 comment : Kalau siapa aja hantam this Tweet of an IGP...saya sokong! Ini bukan saya share aja...saya SOKONG!
We are all in deep shit. I told you the other day. I am in deep shit and a Prime Minister of a country is in deep shit because of that…. He [Xavier Justo] didn’t have to do that [releasing the data]….
Mobster & Premier: Najib’s Parallel Lives
July 31, 2016 by rihaku
This guy is still stressed, it’s his political career on the line… that’s all he thinks about.
— Patrick Mahony, 1MDB Team Player
Two-face Najib: hoodlum and politician. With two hearts each following separate trails, he ran separate operations with the same smile and the same tongue. Only the words need not be the same.
***
The situation in 2015 and until recently: In a fetid Bangkok jail is Xavier Justo, a former employee of PetroSaudi, a fraudulent company with a fictitious USD2.5 bn ‘joint-venture’ with 1MDB that boasts of even more fictitious oilfields and drilling ships and international high connections.
Soon after the convergence of a quirk series of personal events in Justo’s life and in his relationship with Tarek Obaid, PetroSaudi ‘CEO’, that everything which had worked out so well for six years for Najib Razak, it began to unravel. Well worked-out because, in that time, everybody in the Team (the word from Patrick Mahony, below) were already celebrating, buying things, and living it up. Through 1MDB, the Team had gotten as much as USD3 bn; another USD4 bn or more would come through.
Besides, by July 2015 in particular, Najib could show that nobody could touch him — nobody, not the auditors, not the police nor the Bank Negara, nor the Attorney General, not foreign governments in Singapore or Switzerland and, up until recently this year, not even the US. In Thailand, its government could be bought. Sovereignty? That’s for assholes patriots and imbeciles, the like of Tan Keng Liang, Ibrahim Ali and Kadir Jasin and Petra Kamarudin foaming in their mouths about logic and principles and loyalty and Nusantara and ketuanan.
Then something happened. And didn’t.
In 2011, Justo, after a big bout of quarrel with Obaid, an old friend but no more, a fight that had been simmering between them for a year, he downloaded and stored in a detachable, storage hard drive all the data and information from the company’s computer server. With it, he quit. Something about the information therein nagged at him, as a Guardian newspaper account suggests, but he didn’t appear able to put a finger to what. This meant that Obaid, in spite of their close friendship before, hadn’t been letting him in on what was going on. The ways of the underworld is inexplicable to those above.
After Justo’s resignation, nothing happened for the first four years excepting that he kept badgering Obaid and Mahony, fellow racketeers, to pay him what, it seemed, they had promised. Sometimes when talking he would drop hints about that data in his possession. In his heart, perhaps, Justo didn’t belong to the underworld — he is just an ex-banker — so that the hints suggests an inkling, but nothing solid in his mind. (Recall that this was 2011-12 and the 1MDB-IPIC fraud hadn’t yet taken flight; it even looked respectable in early 2015.)
At 1MDB, on the other hand, things happened as they were intended. After the PetroSaudi scam, 1MDB proceeded to the next, this time using IPIC because the mouth waters at something far bigger: USD6.5 bn coming not from Malaysia but the US.
Three years later, something else broke into the open as if from nowhere.
Arrested in Koh Samui, that is, Samui island, Justo was accused of blackmail against PetroSaudi using the data. After which and speedily, too, he was locked up, paraded out to see by the world, Malaysia especially, then tried and jailed six years cut by half. Justo, according to Clare Brown at Sarawak Report, had contacted her and she went to Tong Kooi Ong, owner of the Edge, because Clare, poor woman that she is, couldn’t come up with the USD2 mn Justo wanted in return for giving information. Tong, a hard bargainer evidently, had passed on to Justo through Clare that they would publish and pay later. Today, Tong Kooi Ong still owes that man in jail 2 mn. Dollars, cash, plus interest, when he gets out.
Published, and life hadn’t been the same for Najib. In the heart, anyway, but not on the surface.
At the least, they had gotten Justo out of the way. But what next? How do you take back the words spit out from a tongue? There were two parts to the problem: Justo on the one part, the published information on the other.
In their hands Justo was easy; let him discredit himself. Below is an excerpt from his forced confession issued to a Thai court and distributed to the Malaysian media:
I hereby confess to my full involvement in, and responsibility for, the offences for which I am charged. They are the attempted blackmail and attempted extortion of PetroSaudi. I make this confession of my own free will and accord without any pressure, duress or outside influence. I do not wish to have a lawyer present. I fully admit my criminal behaviour and accept my guilt in these matters. I just want to set the record straight and apologise to those who I have wronged. I have conspired with others and further admit offenses of theft of data, handling stolen goods, selling stolen data and IT equipment to third parties and attempting to launder the proceeds of sale. My only motivation for selling the data that I stole was for monetary gain and I never considered myself a whistle-blower… . (emphasis added)Part Two was simply more of the same: discredit them too, partly by throwing in the idea called, ‘tampering’. In Malaysia the Edge was banned. Petra Kamarudin in Malaysia Today wrote copiously (example, Where is Tong Kooi Ong?) of an anti-Najib conspiracy financed by Tong, while Ahirudin Attan at Rocky Bru weighed in — ‘see, here’s proof of traitors‘ — as did the local print newspapers, of course. At Unspinners (page taken down since), another bunch of Najib’s hatchetmen, racist and fascist to boot, they even make it look like a Chinese-financed conspiracy against a Malay government.
All that done, still there’s this problem: how do you go after Sarawak Report overseas? Or, the UK? Those newspapers have no stake and therefore weren’t as willing, even for money, unlike RPK or Ahi, to do the dirty job. At the Team, they came up with this idea: Ah! The woman. Justo’s wife!
Laura was told, no, demanded of, into making some public confession specifically nailing Sarawak Report. This task of turning her over fell to Patrick Mahony, PetroSaudi ‘director’ and Team Player in UK who had bragged to Laura about connections in high places, having paid off the Thai police to arrest, prosecute and convict Justo. He actually produced the man’s written confession.
From the Sarawak Report (mirror site):
Mahony explained to
Laura in one recorded phone call that it was necessary for her to ‘go
public’ attacking Sarawak Report, in order to convince Najib Razak that
he could trust Justo sufficiently to agree for him to be released from
Thailand.
Having Justo as a free
man testifying as a witness against 1MDB was the Prime Minister’s worst
nightmare, Mahony said in French. So, unless the couple “proved which
team they were on” the Malaysians would continue to use their influence
and money to lock him up.
*
“It was all a set-up,” Laura says of Justo’s arrest last year (above) then paraded for the propaganda benefit of ‘independent’ Malaysian reporters and newspapers, for Ahi Attan, for RPK, the whole wham-bang. “They made him look like a terrorist,” she adds. “The Malaysians say they would extradite, kill my husband if he didn’t cooperate, didn’t confess.”
At the time the NST group editor working for Najib and responsible for the propaganda was Mustapha Kamil (next photo) who in June this year left the newspaper, citing a prickly conscience and saying something like he has been the paragon of truth. There’s no record of him ever saying sorry to Justo.
Patrick Mahony: I bought them all, he once boasted to Laura. He meant he had bought the entire Thai power, from top down, the police, the colonels, the prison wardens, maybe even the prosecutors and judges. He could, naturally; the money wasn’t his, and the Thais were easy to buy — and they are so cheap, girls, police, drugs, anything. Through 1MDB, Mahony had more than USD3 bn of Malaysia’s money to spend.
In a yacht rented by Jho Low is a line-up of core ‘Team Players’. (Najib’s words to Mahony, the same words he would subsequently use on Umno divisional leaders.) Najib is next to that piece of Saudi turkey, some ‘Prince’ with an al-Saud name and also PetroSaudi (PSI) co-founder. Tarek Obaid is second from right (and next photo. Doesn’t he look like a boy, like Jho Low?)
These photos, downloaded from PSI’s hard drive, picture-alerted the world to an international fraud run by a government and for which the price to Justo is a stinking, urine-coated jail cell in Bangkok while the Team lived on diamonds, champagne, paintings, girls, swimming pools. And one jet.
*
A number of recorded and saved conversations by email and by phone between Laura and Mahony are revealing not just into the thuggish nature of the plot to save Najib but also the man’s actual character.
Immediately below is Najib as fraudster and a gang leader, as depicted by Mahony. Also from Sarawak Report, transcript of phone conversation, 2015 November, between Mahony and Laura:
Mahony: I told you who is controlling this…. It is his [Najib’s] ultimate nightmare that Xavier could turn on him if he gets out. This is his position at the moment.*
Laura: So what do I say to Xavier about getting out – you told me December?
Mahony: This guy is still stressed, it’s his political career on the line, he’s in deep shit and that’s all he thinks about.
Laura: So what do I say?
Mahony: The only way I can show him you are on his side, [you are] a team player, is if you are ready to put yourself in the media – you must denounce all the people that are making conspiracies against him…. We are all in deep shit. I told you the other day. I am in deep shit and a Prime Minister of a country is in deep shit because of that…. He [Xavier Justo] didn’t have to do that [releasing the data]….
Back home in Malaysia, all has quieten down. All is well; life as usual (Najib’s word). Even today, eight months later, Najib is depicted by Malaysiakini as cool and unfazed: Life remains untouched in spite of revelations from the US authorities that, through 1MDB, USD3.5 bn had been stolen from Malaysia, a billion of which was laundered and spent in the US by the Team and its Players.
Najib just has had a meeting with his Umno henchmen (more ‘team players’ evidently) and then returned to Pekan for a Hari Raya open-house party. Here, below, is Najib’s public prime ministerial face, as presented to the world, selfless and a patriot.
- At Umno meeting:
Only those specifically named in the report are mentioned in the report. This means that 1MDB is not directly involved in the report. In other words, 1MDB has no assets in the United States, and 1MDB is not directly named in the report.
- In Pekan:
There’s nothing, all are as usual…I must be ‘istiqamah‘ (committed) to my duties and responsibilities whether as the Pekan member of parliament or the prime minister to safeguard the interests of nearly 30 million Malaysians.
***
Endnote- The one-hour-long interview with Laura Justo uploaded on YouTube by Sarawak Report.
Below are recorded and printed samples of their conversation by phone and by email in English and French. Some are as recent as late last year.
*
The New York Times : Malaysia’s Leader, Dogged by a Billion-Dollar Scandal, Proves Untouchable
By RICHARD C. PADDOCK
July 30, 2016
KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia — The conspirators were confident. They planned to confront Malaysia’s
prime minister, Najib Razak, at a cabinet meeting and demand his
resignation. Prosecutors had collected evidence that Mr. Najib had
deposited millions of dollars of public money into his personal bank
account. Attorney General Abdul Gani Patail was ready to file criminal
charges, according to Najib advisers and opposition leaders.
Mr.
Najib had a reputation as a gentleman who was slow to act and never
fired anyone. But when word of the plot reached him last July, he moved
quickly. He dismissed both Deputy Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin, the
man who would have taken his job, and the attorney general. And he
blocked further inquiries into the allegations against him.
“They
took it for granted that he was a sitting duck,” said Tony Pua, an
opposition member of Parliament. “He turned the tables on them.”
Throughout Mr. Najib’s 40 years in public office, he has been easy to underestimate.
This month, the Justice Department filed a civil complaint
in a money-laundering case outlining how Mr. Najib, identified as
“Malaysian Official 1,” received $731 million from a government fund he
oversaw. Investigators around the world are tracking the money trail to
his bank accounts in what has become a billion-dollar scandal.
But
Mr. Najib, a genteel, British-educated aristocrat who became prime
minister in 2009, faces no realistic challenge to his authority and is
confidently looking ahead to winning re-election in 2018.
The
bank transfers are not the first scandal to threaten the career of Mr.
Najib, 63, one of America’s most important allies in Southeast Asia.
Over the years, he has been accused of having ties to a murder, taking
kickbacks from the purchase of military hardware and helping concoct a
criminal prosecution against a rival.
He
has deployed the formidable powers of his office to impede
investigations, silence critics, block media outlets and maintain the
backing of his largely rural, Muslim base. He has deftly played
Malaysia’s brand of money politics, distributing cash to buy party
leaders’ loyalty.
As prime minister, he oversees
Parliament, the cabinet, the police and the intelligence branch. As
president of the governing party, he decides who holds key leadership
positions and sits atop a vast patronage system that affects the wealth
and livelihood of thousands of people.
He appointed himself finance minister, giving himself control of the state investment fund at the heart of the scandal.
For
the United States, Mr. Najib has offered the promise of a moderate
Muslim ally and an Asian partner in counterterrorism, whose nation is
one of the 12 negotiating the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade agreement.
As a sign of Malaysia’s growing importance, President Obama visited the
country and met with Mr. Najib in 2014 and 2015. In between, they
golfed together in Hawaii.
While that relationship
did not deter the Justice Department investigation, his relationship
with Saudi Arabia has been more helpful. Mr. Najib’s advisers say most
of the money at issue was a gift from the Saudis, partly to help finance
his 2013 election campaign, a position the Saudi government has loosely
corroborated.
Malaysians grumble about Mr.
Najib’s wealth, which he claims to have inherited, and the extravagance
of his wife, Rosmah Mansor, who is known for epic overseas shopping
excursions and her multimillion-dollar collection of Hermès Birkin
handbags.
The allegations of high-level corruption
and the lack of any impartial Malaysian investigation highlight the
fact that the region’s movement toward democracy has left Malaysia
untouched, said Donald Greenlees, an authority on Southeast Asia with
Australian National University.
“Najib is a
throwback to the era of Marcos’s Philippines and Suharto’s Indonesia
with ruling families hungry for power and great wealth,” he said.
“Imelda had her shoes and Rosmah has her Birkin bags. But the bags are
vastly more valuable than the shoes.”
Mr. Najib
has acknowledged receiving hundreds of millions of dollars, but says he
has done nothing wrong and took nothing for personal gain. He said his
government would “fully cooperate” with the Justice Department
investigation.
“Don’t think I am a crook,” he told
the party faithful in March at a rally in Pahang, his home state. “If I
had wanted to rob, I would have robbed the forest here long ago. I
didn’t take a single tree in Pahang. I didn’t take the bauxite mine. I
didn’t take anything.”
Mr.
Najib is accused of taking money from a state investment fund called 1
Malaysia Development Berhad, or 1MDB. He gave himself extraordinary
authority over the fund as both finance minister and, until recently,
advisory board chairman. The United States attorney general, Loretta
Lynch, said Malaysian officials had laundered more than $3 billion from
the fund through American financial institutions.
Mr.
Najib’s advisers acknowledge that he received $1 billion but assert
that most of it was a gift from a member of the Saudi royal family.
The
current Malaysian attorney general, Mohamed Apandi Ali, announced in
January that Mr. Najib had received $681 million from the Saudis and
returned all but $61 million. He cleared Mr. Najib of wrongdoing and closed an investigation by the Malaysian anticorruption commission.
Mr. Najib and Ms. Rosmah declined through a spokesman to be interviewed for this article.
Mr.
Najib was destined to become prime minister, his friends and supporters
say. His father was Malaysia’s second prime minister, and his uncle the
third.
Balding, with a neatly trimmed graying
mustache and silver-rim glasses, Mr. Najib behaves like a British
gentleman with impeccable manners, they say. He is often dressed
formally even for late-night meetings at his home. He is viewed as a
numbers guy with an keen eye for detail.
“He’s
very cool,” said Fatmi Che Salleh, his longtime friend and former
political secretary. “He takes things one at a time. Everything is
planned, what to do, how to do, especially now we see so many attacks on
him.”
Mr. Najib grew up in a household immersed
in the politics of an emerging nation and its governing party, the
United Malays National Organization, or UMNO.
He
was educated in Britain and studied economics, rejecting the advice of
his father, Prime Minister Abdul Razak, to become an accountant.
As
prime minister, Mr. Abdul was well known for his frugality. He refused
his children’s plea to install a swimming pool at the official residence
because it would waste government funds, one brother recalled. The
lesson on thrift was another piece of fatherly wisdom Mr. Najib ignored.
When
Mr. Abdul died in 1976, Mr. Najib ran for his father’s parliamentary
seat and at 22 became the youngest person ever elected to Malaysia’s
Parliament. He married a minor princess, with whom he had three
children.
In the mid-1980s, Mr. Najib met Ms.
Rosmah, who was married with two children. The pair divorced their
spouses and married in 1987. They have two children together.
Mr.
Najib steadily climbed the party ladder, receiving help along the way
from UMNO leaders indebted to his father, including Mahathir Mohamed,
who succeeded Mr. Najib’s uncle as prime minister.
“I
owed his father a great deal,” Mr. Mahathir, 91, said in an interview.
“If I could do something for the son, especially as the son looks very
promising, I would do it.”
He
has spent his entire adult life in elective office, living in a bubble,
surrounded by aides and devotees. On a trip to Europe, he did not know
how to check in for a flight or find his departure gate, said a friend
who traveled with him. He never packed his own suitcase; for a two-day
trip, his servants packed him six suits.
Mr. Najib
was deputy prime minister when the murder of a Mongolian woman and
corruption allegations over the $1.2 billion purchase of two
Franco-Spanish Scorpene submarines nearly derailed his career.
The
woman, Altantuya Shaariibuu, was the mistress of his close friend and
adviser, Abdul Razak Baginda. She claimed she was owed $500,000 for
helping broker the submarine deal. In 2006, she was killed
by two of Mr. Najib’s bodyguards, who tried to hide the evidence by
blowing up her body with C-4 explosives. They were convicted of murder.
Mr.
Najib has denied meeting Ms. Altantuya or having a role in her death.
But a decade later, he is still dogged by allegations that he was
connected to the killing and received kickbacks from the submarine
purchases. The French authorities are investigating whether a French
company paid Mr. Najib and Mr. Abdul Razak $130 million to secure the
sale. The two deny any wrongdoing.
Mr. Najib’s
name has also been attached to another murky episode, the criminal case
that sidelined his biggest rival, Anwar Ibrahim, a former deputy prime
minister who became leader of the opposition.
In a
case widely seen as politically motivated, Mr. Anwar was imprisoned on
sodomy charges in 1998. After his release in 2004, he began rebuilding
the fractured opposition, and new sodomy charges were filed in 2008.
The
accuser was Saiful Bukhari Azlan, an aide in Mr. Anwar’s party. At a
trial, Mr. Saiful testified that he had met with Mr. Najib at his home
two days before the sexual encounter. Mr. Saiful also met with senior
police officials before the encounter.
It has
never been fully explained how Mr. Najib, then deputy prime minister,
happened to meet with a staff member from the opposition party at that
time, or why Mr. Saiful met with police officials.
Mr.
Anwar was acquitted and led the opposition to victory in the popular
vote in 2013, though not by enough to overcome district lines favoring
Mr. Najib’s coalition.
In 2014, an appellate court
overturned Mr. Anwar’s acquittal and sentenced him to five years in
prison. Opposition parties have yet to coalesce behind another leader.
When Mr. Najib became prime minister seven years ago, he inherited a political system awash in cash.
“In
Malaysia, politics is about money,” said Oh Ei Sun, a former political
secretary to Mr. Najib and an adjunct senior fellow at the S. Rajaratnam
School of International Studies in Singapore. “It’s not a contest about
your brilliant ideas.” Indeed, parties vie for votes by funneling money
to loyal followers and financing overdue public works projects.
In
May 2010, Mr. Najib demonstrated how the system works. During a
by-election, he promised voters in the Sibu district that his government
would pay $1.3 million for a flood-control project if his candidate
won. “The understanding is quite simple,” he said. “You help me, I help you.”
He poured more than $300 million into the 2013 parliamentary elections campaign, his advisers say.
Malaysia
has no limits on how much party leaders can raise or spend, and there
is no reporting requirement, said Wan Saiful Wan Jan, the chief
executive of the Institute for Democracy and Economic Affairs, a
Malaysia think tank. The money is tax free, and much of it is
distributed to local party leaders, who can easily pocket a share.
No law prohibits candidates from depositing donations in their personal bank accounts, even $1 billion.
“I don’t think Najib is the only one,” Mr. Wan Saiful said. “I don’t even know if he’s the biggest.”
The story of the Saudi gift has evolved with new revelations about deposits into Mr. Najib’s accounts.
Mr.
Najib’s government said in January that $681 million was a gift from a
member of the Saudi royal family. After questions were raised about
additional deposits of hundreds of millions of dollars, Mr. Najib’s
advisers said Saudi donors had given him about $1 billion.
His office declined to provide documentation demonstrating that either sum was a gift.
The Saudis, too, have changed their story. In February, the Saudi foreign minister, Adel al-Jubeir, said the money had come not from the government, but rather from a private citizen making “an investment in Malaysia.”
In
April, after Mr. Najib and his aides met privately with Mr. Jubeir in
Istanbul, Mr. Jubeir said Mr. Najib had received a gift from an
unidentified Saudi source.
“It is a genuine donation with nothing expected in return,” he said.
Mr.
Najib has cultivated close ties with Saudi Arabia, but even so, experts
say, a gift of $1 billion was unlikely. “Nobody believes that the money
came from Saudi Arabia,” said James Chin, the director of the Asia
Institute at the University of Tasmania.
The
Justice Department complaint said Mr. Najib’s relatives and associates
had taken more than $1 billion from 1MDB, spending it on luxury real
estate, gambling, Hollywood moviemaking and high-priced artwork.
Ibrahim
Suffian, the director of the Merdeka Center, an independent polling
agency in Malaysia, said surveys showed that two-thirds of the public
were unhappy with Mr. Najib, yet people feel powerless to remove him
from office.
As popular support has eroded, Mr.
Najib’s government has blocked news outlets, prevented opposition
leaders from campaigning and prosecuted critics under a colonial-era
sedition act that he once promised to repeal.
“Clearly,
in order to save his own political skin, he’s prepared to destroy what
little remains of basic civil liberties and human rights in Malaysia,”
said Phil Robertson, the deputy director of the Asia division of Human
Rights Watch.
The effort to force Mr. Najib from
office — and the threat of prison — have given him new resolve to remain
in power until the 2018 election and beyond, advisers say. His
prospects are good.
“He will be more invincible in 2018,” said Mr. Oh, the former Najib aide, “because as it is, he is already unstoppable.”
20 educated Malaysians reponse to claims that Najib is Innocent...well 21 to be exact!
Ah Hock FROM A WHATSAPP GROUP ...
Never in my life have I been so deeply touched by the response to a single message sent by me ... I sent this message to 20 friends ...
Never in my life have I been so deeply touched by the response to a single message sent by me ... I sent this message to 20 friends ...
*NAJIB IS COMPLETELY INNOCENT*
13 offered free sex by responding, "F#@K YOU!"
4 offered free advice towards a healthy sex life by responding, "GO F#@K YOURSELF!"
The remaining 3 inquired after my sexual well-being by asking, "ARE YOU F#@KING MAD?"
WHY DID THE CHICKEN CROSS THE ROAD?
Malaysians are a very humorous lot you know... This is one example....
WHY DID THE CHICKEN CROSS THE ROAD?
Najib: I don't know how the chicken got to the other side of the road, but there's no proof that it is on my side.
IGP Khalid: We will investigate all those who spread mischief online claiming the chicken crossed road.
AG Apandi: We have investigated the matter and found that there was no wrongdoing in the chicken's crossing the road. The chicken has been cleared of all allegations. In fact, we have discovered that the chicken went back to the original side of the road not long after.
Rahman Dahlan: The chicken needs to wake up earlier if it wants to cross the road without paying toll.
Dr M: In my time, chickens didn't cross the road.
Ahmad Maslan: Instead of crossing to the other side, the chicken should work two jobs in order to survive on this side.
Ismail Sabri: We will open another Road Ayam 2.
Hadi: I don't care which side it's on. Is the chicken halal?
saya tambah....!
Arun Paul *Hadi:* Do you have 4 witness that saw the chicken crossing the road?
R HC Leong *Ambiga:* The chicken should be given the right to cross the road, or stay on whichever side of the road it wishes, without persecution or prosecution.
saya tambah....!
Arun Paul *Hadi:* Do you have 4 witness that saw the chicken crossing the road?
R HC Leong *Ambiga:* The chicken should be given the right to cross the road, or stay on whichever side of the road it wishes, without persecution or prosecution.
Vincent Cheong Kam Weng : And the MaCai Association members world say, we don't really mind being the chicken!
Sopian Ahmad : Najib
is confident that he can prove that he is not the chicken. all the
chicken are supporting him though. But he could not recall the name of
the food for the chicken to keep them coming back!
Fauzi Abdulrahman Wait till u here this.
A old-aged lady student after 2 or 3 English lessons was travelling in a taxi. Suddenly the taxi driver made an emergency brake as an animal was crossing the road.
The lady shouted; "Stupid mutton cross road!"
I cant say more...takut Ketua Pemuda buat repot polis...
Kok Son Ong LKS: A Royal Commission of Inquiry should be set up to find out why the chicken crossed the road.
A old-aged lady student after 2 or 3 English lessons was travelling in a taxi. Suddenly the taxi driver made an emergency brake as an animal was crossing the road.
The lady shouted; "Stupid mutton cross road!"
I cant say more...takut Ketua Pemuda buat repot polis...
1MDB in New York. Malaysia Boleh!
steadyaku47 comment: This was forwarded to me by Johan...a friend of his just snapped this in Times Square New York....apo nak di kato?
Asia Sentinel : Another problem is that former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad wants Najib and his wife in prison. For another, three murders have revolved around cases involving Najib
steadyaku47 comment : Lest we forget...an article from January this year!
Malaysian PM Najib On Way Out, Report Says
Premier said to be negotiating for safe passage and stolen loot
The Malaysian
Anti-Corruption Commission has completed its probe into the financial
affairs of Prime Minister Najib Razak and passed 37 charges to the
attorney general for prosecution, according to an explosive report by
the London-based Sarawak Report. The Commission’s lead investigator in the case was earlier murdered.
The news blog,
edited and written by Clare Rewcastle Brown, said that Najib is trying
to negotiate his departure from office with full immunity and as much as
RM4 billion (US$907.3 million) in stolen loot after the charges were
widely circulated among top United Malays National Organization cadres.
Two sources in Kuala Lumpur independently confirmed the story to Asia
Sentinel, although a third said it had been around for some time and
that there has been no movement, suggesting it might be at least part
wishful thinking. Others with connections to the top of UMNO say they
don’t think Najib is going anywhere anytime soon.
However, Sarawak
Report said, “Behind a facade of UMNO unity and relentless PR about the
‘crisis being over,’stealthy talks were carried out at the highest
levels in a series of locations over the New Year holiday break.”
Veteran UMNO
politician Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah is said to be brokering the
negotiations because Najib trusts him to swing immunity for him, Asia
Sentinel was told separately.
“Appearances are
being maintained,” an insider told SR, “there have been the usual
lavish events and appearances and of course Rosmah [Najib’s wife] is
still determined not to let go, but there have been negotiations in
Tokyo and Dubai. Najib knows the game is up, but he does not appreciate
the reality of his situation. He is a dead duck and yet he is trying
to negotiate a safe exit along with a guarantee of all the stolen
money! The others will not agree.”
Another problem is that
former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad wants Najib and his wife in
prison. For another, three murders have revolved around cases involving
Najib. The first is the killing by two of his bodyguards of the
Mongolian translator and party girl Altantuya Shaariibuu in 2006.
Altantuya was at the heart of a 114.96 million euro scandal connected
with the purchase of French submarines when Najib was defense minister.
The second involved the 2013 murder of Hussain Ahmad Najadi, the
founder of AMBank, the home of Najib’s accounts, who according to
Najadi’s son was complaining about financial misdoings on the part of
both Najib and UMNO. The third was the macabre murder of Anthony Kevin
Morais, the lead prosecutor for the Malaysian Anti-Corruption
Commission’s case against Najib. There will be considerable public
outrage if Najib and Rosmah are allowed to go without punishment,
Rotten at the core
The charges are
at the heart of the notorious 1Malaysia Development Bhd. fund affair, in
which billions of US dollars have disappeared into accounts held by
Taek Jho Low, the youthful financier who helped Najib – 1MDB’s chief
economic advisor – set up the fund in 2009. They also revolve around a
mysterious US$681 million payment into Najib’s personal account at
AMBank in 2013 and its subsequent withdrawal.
Whether Attorney
General Mohamed Apandi Ali acts on the charges remains to be seen. He
is an UMNO loyalist who was appointed to the job after Najib fired his
predecessor, Abdul Gani Patail, last year for bringing forward charges
based on the theft of millions from Malaysia’s pension fund Kumpulan
Wang Persaraan or KWAP into Najib’s personal account.
“Apandi is aware
that this evidence has now been widely distributed and is known to all
the top brass in UMNO, making a protracted cover-up extremely hard to
achieve,” Rewcastle Brown wrote.
Prosecutor’s role
The charges are
said to have been prepared by Morais, whose body was put into a
cement-filled oil drum in November and dumped into a river after his car
was forced off the road and he was kidnapped. Attorney General’s office
officials denied Morais had any role in the investigation. However,
Morais, widely believed to be the original leaker to the Sarawak Report
and other publications, put much of the information on a USB drive and
sent it to his brother in Atlanta, Georgia and other trusted confidants.
Apandi and
Special Branch, the intelligence unit of the police – whose deputy chief
was fired last year at the same time Ghani Patail was cashiered — have
been attempting to get the documents back, according to the story.
Morais, in an
email to Sarawak Report, said “The police continue to be rather
aggressive in trying to uncover the sources of the leaks. And not
actually trying to nab the lunatic on top of the pyramid, running this
country to the ground just so his arse is saved… and I’m not sure if
we’ll be able to stop this lunacy.”
The information
is said to include copies of the bank statements showing how RM42
million, which was passed into one of Najib Razak’s personal accounts
from 1MDB, under the auspices of “Corporate and Social Responsibility”
payments, was actually spent by the Prime Minister.
The Sarawak Report and the Wall Street Journal published details from
the 1MDB investigation that showed the exact trail of the money: an
original RM4 billion had been borrowed from the KWAP public pension fund
by a subsidiary of 1MDB named SRC International Sdn Bhd. Between
December 2014 and February 2015 a total of RM42 million was siphoned out
of SRC through two intermediary companies controlled by 1MDB executive
Nik Faisal Ariff Kamil (Gandingan Mentari Sdn Bhd) and Datuk Shamsul
Anwar Sulaiman (Ihsan Perdana Sdn Bhd).
Shamsul has been arrested and interviewed by investigators. Nik Kamil has fled to Jakarta.
Shopping spree?
Najib has said
that none of this public money was spent on personal things. However,
those who have seen the relevant bank statements told Sarawak Report
that there were several expensive shopping items recorded, many bought
on foreign trips.
“Actually, the spending …was
rather mundane,” Morais said in an email to Rewcastle Brown, “Credit
card bills, shopping, suppliers to the last elections that had not
gotten paid because BNM had frozen the accounts of other proxy
companies, that sort of stuff.”
Massive transactions
While the SRC
scandal is localized and presumably containable, the other graft
allegations involve massive dollar currency transactions and implicate
foreign banks, which the FBI and other international regulators are now
publicly investigating.
On top of those 37 charges relating to SRC International there remains the issue of the US$681 million (RMB2.6 billion at current
exchange rates) paid from a number of mysterious off-shore entities
into Najib’s AmBank account. According to the Sarawak Report and the
Wall Street Journal, two of those payments were made from a BVI entity
named Tanore Finance Corporation just before the 2013 general election.
The money came into Najib’s AmBank account via the Abu Dhabi Aabar fund’s Falcon Bank, just
days after Goldman Sachs had negotiated a US$3 billion bond issue in
order to fund a supposed strategic partnership between 1MDB and Aabar.
Much of the money from the series of bond deals has gone missing and the
Chairman of Aabar was sacked shortly after the 1MDB scandal broke last year.
“What is now
widely known in UMNO’s upper circles, thanks to further investigations
by Malaysian task forces,” Rewcastle Brown wrote, “is that this RM2.6
billion transaction in March 2013 was just a portion of the money which
went into Najib’s same AmBank account during the period after 2011.
There were at
least two further sets of payments again worth billions of ringgit. Most
of this money, which Najib now claims was supposed to help UMNO win the
2013 general elections, was never spent. The majority was sent back to
into the Prime Minister’s private account in Singapore straight after
the election was over and the KL account was closed.
Lots of stories
Najib and his
allies have told a variety of different stories about the source of the
money being an anonymous Middle Eastern sheikh who applauded Malaysia’s
stance against the terrorist organization Islamic State, or destined for
UMNO for the 2013 election.
However, Sarawak
Report said, “The money plainly ended up in Najib’s private foreign
bank accounts, where much of it remains frozen in Singapore.”
Top UMNO cadres have been given all the details, according to the report, and are furious.
“He didn’t just take the famous RM2.6 billion, it was RM4 billion and more,” one UMNO official told Sarawak Report.
Succession politics
There are other
factors prolonging Najib’s stay in office. There is infighting over who
will succeed him if UMNO’s top brass have agreed that he must go. Ahmad
Zahid Hamidi, the deputy prime minister appointed last year to replace
the fired Muhyiddin Yassin, has made clear that he aims to take over.
However, Zahid is regarded as a loose cannon by many and a Najib
loyalist.
The UMNO
constitution also demands that it is the party that should choose its
leaders, which puts Muhyiddin Yassin in line for the succession, not
Zahid. Thus the arguments are not about whether Najib should go, but
over who should succeed him and on what terms Najib should leave.
“The other major
sticking point delaying Najib’s departure is the thorny issue of his
criminal actions,” the story continued. “The Prime Minister knows the
game is up, say insiders. With the economy in free fall and the country
enmeshed in top-down corruption, he sees little glory either to be
gained from hanging out for a further election win.”
Money in
Rosmah’s own frozen accounts in KL is also in the order of hundreds of
unexplained millions, with plenty of stories in the wings relating to
crony contracts and the exploitation of public funds.
Where would he go?
The present
deadlock has been further strengthened by the fact that Najib appears to
have encountered a shortage of willing foreign bolt holes. Turkey has
rejected his asylum request and various Middle Eastern countries have
simply failed to reply to his entreaties.
In the meantime,
Najib is said to be falling prey to every political and financial
demand. The wounded PM can’t say no to anybody as he attempts to shore
up his support.
“Everyone is
going for bribes and contracts and then when that is not enough they
come back for more bribes,” one onlooker said. “They are feeding on the
carcass of Malaysia’s blighted economy, while Najib tries to stay in
office that little bit longer.”
It is a given of
politics that once a Prime Minister starts to open even the most
discreet exit negotiations there can really be no going back. But how
this fraught situation will be ultimately resolved and what will happen
to Najib when the dam bursts is still a guessing game.
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