IAIN MARLOW
Alleged scandals surrounding Malaysian PM could have several consequences
With a prime ministerial scandal burning
away and acrid smoke shrouding huge swaths of Malaysia, one could be
mistaken for thinking the government in Kuala Lumpur was quite literally
going up in flames.
The smoke, of
course, comes from forest fires illegally set to clear land on the
nearby island of Sumatra. But it does provide a suitably gloomy backdrop
for what’s happening to Prime Minister Najib Razak.
Mr. Najib, who has become increasingly
unpopular, leads the United Malays political party and a coalition that
has effectively controlled Malaysia since independence from Britain in
1957 – partly through electoral gerrymandering and censorship of the
media. Despite other actions that make him unfit to lead a democracy,
such as repeatedly jailing his main political opponent (a former deputy
prime minister) on trumped up sodomy charges, he now finds himself at
the centre of an ever-expanding series of corruption probes that have
brought Malaysian politics to a standstill – and also threaten to bring
his pseudo-authoritarian rule to an end.
These
investigations, which began in Malaysia and have spread to the United
States, relate to a sum of $700-million (U.S.) allegedly paid into bank
accounts linked to the Prime Minister. Mr. Najib has denied he has done
anything wrong and said the money came from a political donor in the
Middle East, though he has not provided evidence.
But
after Mr. Najib quashed efforts to uncover the truth within Malaysia,
the case has now been taken up by other jurisdictions. The FBI is
investigating Malaysia’s state investment fund 1Malaysia Development
Berhad, known as 1MDB, for money laundering.
Mr.
Najib, unsurprisingly, launched 1MDB in 2009 and has since amassed
$11-billion in debt. The U.S. Justice Department’s Kleptocracy Asset
Recovery Initiative is also now involved – after having its interest
piqued by luxury real-estate assets in New York linked to the Prime
Minister’s family (as well as a shadowy international playboy type named
Jho Low). The Hong Kong police are also sniffing around the bank
transactions.
Mr. Najib’s supporters
argue political opponents are trying smear him and destabilize the
government, but some of the fiercest criticism has come from former
political allies. Mahathir Mohamad, who ruled as Malaysia’s prime
minister for 22 years before stepping down in 2003 and who helped
install Mr. Najib to his current position, has said his successor’s
reign is now “verging on criminal” – and urged parliament to throw him
out.
All of this alleged skulduggery matters for several reasons.
First,
Malaysian politics are becoming dysfunctional. Mr. Najib has flailed
desperately. He dismissed another deputy prime minister and the
attorney-general, who both raised questions about the scandal, and Mr.
Najib neutralized a parliamentary probe by appointing some of its
members to his cabinet, thereby disqualifying them.
His
government was rudderless during the Rohingya migrant crisis. And,
meanwhile, the opposition coalition – made up of an Islamic party and a
party that represents Malaysia’s often-persecuted Chinese minority –
splintered, a situation that ratcheted up racial and religious rhetoric.
“Old racist canards about the Chinese … are being highlighted once
again,” Dennis Ignatius, a former Malaysian high commissioner to Ottawa,
wrote in a recent opinion piece.
Secondly,
Mr. Najib is launching a crackdown that has alarmed human-rights
observers. He has arrested protesters and anti-corruption investigators.
Two critical newspapers have been temporarily shuttered. Eight
activists and opposition figures have been arrested as part of the
protest movement Bersih (“clean” in Malay).
“The
Najib administration has been making it up as we go along,” says
Hwok-Aun Lee, a University of British Columbia alumnus who lectures at
the University of Malay and who attended a recent Bersih rally. “These
repressive actions are also increasingly showing up to be baseless and
desperate.”
And finally, though it is
not implicated in the scandal, Malaysia’s state-owned oil company
Petronas – which pays a huge annual dividend to the government and
accounts for almost half of Malaysia’s oil revenues – is one of the
largest foreign investors in B.C. Petronas, of course, is the company
behind the proposed $36-billion Pacific NorthWest LNG project.
Kenneth
Courtis, a Tokyo-based former vice-chairman for Goldman Sachs Asia who
has advised on large LNG projects in Asia, says a looming supply glut of
liquefied natural gas will depress prices for years to come and make
Petronas’s B.C. project untenable – and a potential scandal in Kuala
Lumpur.
“If it were a commercial
company, they might say, ‘We’ve screwed up, we’re going to write this
off.’ But with the tremendous scandal that’s shaking the Malaysian
government to its foundation – if on top of this, they had their
national champion write off [their investment in B.C.], that’s a big
deal,” he told The Globe this week, suggesting Petronas would begin to
drag its feet, squeeze costs and seek further concessions rather than
admit defeat.
The investigations, if
they uncover wrongdoing, may make Mr. Najib’s leadership untenable. But
not all is as grim as it sounds. The opposition parties, realizing an
opportunity, have recently formed a new alliance – headed by the wife of
jailed opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim. And the Bersih movement has
shown that, no matter what type of intimidation, Malaysians aren’t about
to let their democracy go quietly.
Follow @iainmarlow
on Twitter: |
No comments:
Post a Comment